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PozycjaDonald Trump and America Divided against Itself(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2021) Bryk, AndrzejDonald Trump became the president of the United States because he was able to see the deep division of the American society into 80% of the population comprising the lower and middle classes and the caste-like oligarchic elite, which is made up of the richest 1% and 19% of the upper-middle class population. These 20% justifies its privileged social position by referring to meritocracy, the ideology of identity liberalism and to globalism, delegitimizing any opposition as a manifestation of ignorance, pathological aggression or social maladjustment (“the deplorables” of Hillary Clinton). Trump turned to the remaining 80% of society, angered not only by the effects of globalization implemented by the liberal elites as the only possible and rational economic policy, but also despised by the liberal upper middle class and forced by political elites to submit to the dictates of the ideology of emancipatory liberalism of personal autocreation, leading to the breakdown of social and family ties and the destruction of authorities. Trump won the support of angry voters because he raised issues that were very close to much of the electorate but were absent from the dominant discourse of political elites, both in the Democratic Party and the Republicans. This was his “populism”, which was in fact democratic and conservative patriotism or mild nationalism. Nevertheless, this provoked vehement opposition from both the liberal left, part of the federal administration (“deep state”) and cancel culture, and from some republicans (“Never Trumpers”). However, the “resistance movement” that emerged after Trump’s election was able to appeal only to ideological arguments, including the perception of America’s and the West’s civilizational heritage as a structure of immanent oppression that Trump wants to renew and strengthen. Thus, a narrative was born presenting Trump as a usurper in a metaphysical sense, an enemy of the only legitimate moral and social order, i.e., the order of identity liberalism with its axioms of emancipation and moral autocreation of individuals. The violation of this quasi-religious order is to cause an escalation of violence and oppression motivated by hatred, racism, xenophobia and religious fanaticism. Such a narrative, referring to the theory of the “end of history” by Francis Fukuyama, was not confirmed either in the politics or in the legislation of the Trump administration, demonstrating flaws in the liberal-left understanding of the so called “populism”. PozycjaKrakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe 2021, nr 1 (XVIII), Donald Trump’s Presidency – the Unfinished Rebellion(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2021) Bryk, Andrzej; Rabkin, Jeremy; Sadowski, Mirosław Michał; Dadak, Kazimierz; Domaradzki, Spasimir; Wolfe, ChristopherFrom introduction: "Donald Trump’s one term presidency is over. Its end coincided with the COVID-19 pandemic which shook not only the health but politics as well and forced everyone to ask a question how it warped perceptions of the American electorate as far as successes and failures of Trump’s presidency were concerned. One could also easily define the election of 2020 as a referendum over Trump himself, a man who had, as someone said “an exhausting penchant for saying the wrong things” at the wrong time, including the pandemic time, in much the same way as his rival Joe Biden had a life-long penchant for gaffes. But whatever Trump’s individual faults and merits, his victory was a consequence of a growing sense of destabilisation, breakdown of solidarity, growing ‘homelessness’ of millions of people in response to liberal globalism’s dysfunctions and a corresponding rise of the so-called “populist” rebellions. They caught global liberal establishment firmly entrenched both internationally and in their own countries by surprise provoking vitriolic attacks causing deep polarizations especially in America divided against itself as never before."(...) PozycjaKrakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe nr 4, 2011 (Populizm wyzwaniem dla dobrego rządzenia i współpracy międzynarodowej)(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2011) Marczewska-Rytko, Maria; Kubiak, Hieronim; Żukrowska, Katarzyna; Cziomer, Erhard; Trzcielińska-Polus, Aleksandra; Molo, Beata; Moroska-Bonkiewicz, Aleksandra; Młynarski, Tomasz; Paterek, Anna; Lasoń, Marcin; Stolarczyk, Mieczysław; Stach, Łukasz; Kasprowicz, Dominika; Styczyńska, Natasza; Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa; Pomykalska, Beata; Diec, Joachim; Kraj, Kazimierz; Burdiak, Wira; Makar, Jurij; Chorośnicki, Michał; Paleczny, Tadeusz; Murzańska, Aleksandra; Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa; Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa; Piziak-Rapacz, Anna; Habas, Paulina; Cziomer, Erhard; Bednarczyk, Bogusława PozycjaPaństwo i Społeczeństwo nr 4, 2011(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2011) Waniek, Danuta; Piechota, Grażyna; Godowska, Magdalena; Momot, Magdalena; Majorek, Marta; du Vall, Marta; Pomykalska, Beata; Rydliński, Bartosz; Janik, Krzysztof; Wojniak, Justyna; Majorek, Marta; du Vall, Marta; Majchrowski, JacekPublikowane teksty dotykają szerokiej płaszczyzny rozważań politologicznych. Pole badawcze zakreślić należy poczynając od uwarunkowań rodzimej polityki, poprzez zagadnienia społeczno--gospodarcze, a skończywszy na kwestiach międzynarodowych. Publikacja podzielona została na trzy obszary: państwo, społeczeństwo, świat, których uzupełnieniem jest dział recenzji. PozycjaSovereignty, Nationalism , Populism(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2021) Rabkin, JeremyNationalists do not identify themselves with one particular political system, but they aim to create and sustain sovereign nation states. There is no doubt that European Union poses a threat to the sovereignty in a traditional sense due to the transfer of executive authority from the national parliaments to the amorphous supranational structure. It should be noted that United States have never acceded any organization with independent legislative power. Moreover, advocating the nation states does not have to go together with nationalism, while the latter not always occurs combined with the variously defined populism. Populism can put on different forms. In Poland and Hungary populists have majorities in respective parliaments and are strongly affiliated with traditional institutions. Donald Trump gained support thanks to the creation of an image of an angry ‘ordinary fellow’, which citizens disdained by the elites could relate to. He was also attracting interest, because he ignored the rules of political correctness. But Trump’s rhetoric devaluates the most crucial institutions of the American political system. Furthermore, both Trump and his supporters gravitate towards conspiracy theories and the primacy of common-sense attitude, denying the value of expert’s opinions. Similar phenomena are taking place in Europe. Although there is no one consistent definition of ‘populism’, one could say that populism is a symptom of frustration melting into anger that is a threat to the wholesome nationalism and enduring sovereignty. It does not constitute a reform programme, and the ideological void is filled by demagogues, however posing as guardians protecting the “disinherited majority” from the amorphous “establishment”. PozycjaSuwerenne państwo pod nadzorem. Rzeczywistość polityczna Bośni i Hercegowiny 17 lat po Dayton(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2011) Pomykalska, BeataThe article presents the political, social, ethnical and economic situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina 15 years after the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The agreement officially finished the war in this country. The goal of this article is to describe the complexity of the internal situation and the problems of the construction of a stable and independent state. The article discusses an extremely complicated political system, that was imposed in the peace agreement, which alongside with different political businesses of three constitutional nations is leading to the decision-making paralysis and makes stable ruling is making impossible. The role of the High Representative UN/EU was also described. The role is to coordinate the activity of international community and is indeed exercising the sovereign power in the state contributing to therecognition that Bosnia, although is an independent and sovereign state, actually became an international protectorate. Various opinions about the effectiveness of the High Representative and the legitimacy of taken actions were presented. The fact that (between 1992–2004) NATO forces (executing military missions) and (from 2004) European forces (executing civil-military missions) stationed in Bosnia-Herzegovina is not without meaning. The author is also paying attention to the fact that a complicated and strained ethnic situation is a source of stagnation in BiH and individual constitutional nations have completely different expectations and political businesses which is making impossible to form a civil nation (national) and is still jeopardizing the state’s territorial integrity. PozycjaTrump and the Conservative Movement(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2021) Bryk, AndrzejUnited under Regan by anti-communism, the US Conservative movement is now deeply divided. This division was already visible in the so-called Sarah Palin’s conservative populism and the Tea Party movement. However, it showed itself in full force when the Republican party elite, living in symbiosis with liberals from the Democratic Party, had to respond to Donald Trump’s electoral success. It turned out that the traditional Republican electorate did not back the party’s globalist elite, but an outsider. Trump gained the support of that section of conservatives who rejected integration into the hegemonic ideology of leftist liberalism with its destructive narrative of “American iniquity” and the adoption of the technocratic global oligarchy model as the only possible “end of history”. Conservatives supporting Trump’s candidacy referred to the tradition of American conservatism, appealing to the Founding Fathers, the Constitution and national pride and supporting the idea of metaphysical freedom, ontologically rooted in being greater than the autonomous will of the individual. Thus, the possibility of agreement with the oligarchic elite professing identity liberalism is very limited. However, it is possible to create a tactical alliance between conservatives, especially religious ones, and libertarians. Despite fundamental anthropological and philosophical differences, the link is a common enemy – liberal identity politics. Additionally, Trump’s victory forces all currents in Regan’s conservative coalition to revise their goals and adjust to the new reality, as Trump did not appeal to economic globalism but called for the restoration of social solidarity and republican responsibility for all. He was aware of the possibility of creating a new coalition in the camp of conservatives and republicans, which must find a new common political goal, combining social and cultural conservatism with economic populism. Donald Trump, however, met with stiff opposition from conservatives who accept the technocratic hegemony of leftist liberalism along with the sexual revolution and new anthropology. Pozycja„Ucieczka od wolności” – kryzys zaufania do demokracji liberalnej. Zjawisko przejściowe czy długotrwała tendencja?(Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM, 2017) Dobrowolski, TomaszCelem niniejszego artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego w krajach Europy należących do zachodniego kręgu cywilizacyjnego w ostatnich latach wybuchł kryzys zaufania do demokracji liberalnej oraz w jaki sposób można go pokonać. Zdaniem autora, głównym powodem tego kryzysu jest bardzo instrumentalny stosunek dużej części obywateli tych państw do tej formy rządów. Darzą ją oni akceptacją i zaufaniem tylko do momentu, do którego zapewnia im dobrobyt i poczucie bezpieczeństwa, co obecnie – w ich przekonaniu – nie ma miejsca. Dlatego też, chcąc zmienić ten negatywny stan rzeczy, należy sprawić, by ponownie – w ramach demokracji liberalnej – ich potrzeby i aspiracje zaspokajane były na akceptowalnym przez nich poziomie. W tym celu konieczne jest spełnienie szeregu warunków, do których należy m.in.: przywrócenie zaufania obywateli do organów władzy oraz procedur wyborczych, podjęcie energicznych działań przeciwko rosnącym nierównościom społecznym, wzmożenie przez państwa działań na rzecz skutecznego zwalczania międzynarodowego terroryzmu – aczkolwiek z poszanowaniem liberalnych i demokratycznych wartości oraz wolności i praw człowieka – oraz rzeczywistej integracji przybyszy z innych kręgów cywilizacyjnych, przede wszystkim ze świata islamu. Jednocześnie politycy oraz przedstawiciele świata mediów powinni powrócić do dyskursu opartego na wartościach, na których zbudowane zostały ustroje państw europejskich należących do zachodniego kręgu cywilizacyjnego.